| WELCOME TO THE OFFICIAL WEBSITE OF THE SOMALI GOVERNMENT |
The president of
Somali Republic was
born in Somalia to
Ambassador Dr.
Ahmed Mohammed
Darman and Ashkira
Ali Shendile. On
24th October 1952.
Left the country
when his father was
accredited to the
United Nations in
1962. Was out of
the country until
when he came back
with Operation
Restore Hope 1992.
ELECTED
CHAIRMAN OF THE
UNITED SOMALI
REPUBLIC PARTY
IN 1999, THE FIRST
POLITICAL PARTY
SINCE THE
MILITARY COUP OF
SAID BARRE 1969.
Became the
President of Somali
Republic on June
5th 2003 at the
National
Reconciliation
conference in
Somalia and in 12
august 2004 the
Transitional
Parliament elected
at Arte in the
Republic of Djibouti
reaffirmed the
election after
President Abdiqasim
lost the confidence
vote
Somali Republic was
born in Somalia to
Ambassador Dr.
Ahmed Mohammed
Darman and Ashkira
Ali Shendile. On
24th October 1952.
Left the country
when his father was
accredited to the
United Nations in
1962. Was out of
the country until
when he came back
with Operation
Restore Hope 1992.
ELECTED
CHAIRMAN OF THE
UNITED SOMALI
REPUBLIC PARTY
IN 1999, THE FIRST
POLITICAL PARTY
SINCE THE
MILITARY COUP OF
SAID BARRE 1969.
Became the
President of Somali
Republic on June
5th 2003 at the
National
Reconciliation
conference in
Somalia and in 12
august 2004 the
Transitional
Parliament elected
at Arte in the
Republic of Djibouti
reaffirmed the
election after
President Abdiqasim
lost the confidence
vote
Somalia’s first freely-
elected president talks
about the war raging in
his country,
his views on the U.S.-
led Global War on
Terrorism, and how the
Internet may help
educate and unite his
nation.
Darman is a U.S.-
educated engineer who
wants to deploy
distance learning,
Internet-enabled health
care, and advanced
border security
technologies to help
unite his people and
bring peace and
security back to the war-
torn nation. Click here
elected president talks
about the war raging in
his country,
his views on the U.S.-
led Global War on
Terrorism, and how the
Internet may help
educate and unite his
nation.
Darman is a U.S.-
educated engineer who
wants to deploy
distance learning,
Internet-enabled health
care, and advanced
border security
technologies to help
unite his people and
bring peace and
security back to the war-
torn nation. Click here
Xargaga
Maaryaa.net
Jawiil Online
Xogta
AllPuntland
Allwadani
Axadle
Balcad.com
Buurhakaba
Ceelbuurnet
Cadaado.net
Dayniile
Qaranimo
Qaadisiya
Shabelle.net
SAMADDOON
Somalitalk.com
Somali Weyn
Waaga Cusub
Xog-Waran
The Somali
Government
would like to make
it clear that the
following websites
are some of the
independent
Somali websites.
And that we do not
have any control of
their editorial and
news reporting
Government
would like to make
it clear that the
following websites
are some of the
independent
Somali websites.
And that we do not
have any control of
their editorial and
news reporting
Sad Sunday:
Somalia The
coastal sea side
capital Modishu
Attack
The ethiopian
army with the
Abdilahi yusef
malisha attack the
city early morning
and under the
cover of
indiscriminate
artillery and
mottar fire in
civilian inhabetant
areas so far 80
people dead and
over 200 wounded.
this attack was not
expected since
the United Nation
has called for a
meeting to solve
the problem in
Somalia
This day June 8th
will be
remembered as
the day of
Blood lies.
Somalia The
coastal sea side
capital Modishu
Attack
The ethiopian
army with the
Abdilahi yusef
malisha attack the
city early morning
and under the
cover of
indiscriminate
artillery and
mottar fire in
civilian inhabetant
areas so far 80
people dead and
over 200 wounded.
this attack was not
expected since
the United Nation
has called for a
meeting to solve
the problem in
Somalia
This day June 8th
will be
remembered as
the day of
Blood lies.
Why is the family
of Somalia's
secret service
chief
living in a subsidised
house in Leicester?
Because 18 months
ago, General
Darwiish was a
forklift-truck driver at
Tesco's Daventry
depot - and every
little helps. Aidan
Hartley reports on
the UK-based
Somalis governing a
country on its knees
click here for
more
of Somalia's
secret service
chief
living in a subsidised
house in Leicester?
Because 18 months
ago, General
Darwiish was a
forklift-truck driver at
Tesco's Daventry
depot - and every
little helps. Aidan
Hartley reports on
the UK-based
Somalis governing a
country on its knees
click here for
more
By Nick Wadhams / Nairobi Friday, Sep. 18, 2009
After a U.S. Air Strike, Somali Peacekeepers Pay
By Nick Wadhams / Nairobi Friday, Sep. 18, 2009
Civilians carry the body of a man killed after attacks in Somalia's capital, Mogadishu
Omar Faruk / Reuter
One could argue that the U.S. was playing a dangerous game when it killed a suspected top al-
Qaeda leader in a brazen daytime helicopter raid in Somalia earlier this week. While the Americans
swoop in and carry out targeted strikes such as this, the African Union peacekeeping mission to the
country (called the African Union Mission in Somalia, or AMISOM) remains stymied on the ground,
undermanned and vulnerable, its troops bearing an unenviable and almost impossible task. In a
country that has been in chaos for nearly 20 years, what peace can 5,000 Burundian and Ugandan
soldiers possibly keep?
The Shabab, the hard-line Islamic militia that controls much of the capital, Mogadishu, and southern
Somalia, promised swift revenge for the killing of Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan, who was wanted in the
2002 bombing of an Israeli-run hotel in Mombasa, Kenya. That retaliation came Thursday, Sept. 17
— and the AMISOM force was the target. Suicide bombers in two stolen U.N. trucks packed with
explosives drove into the AMISOM compound in Mogadishu and blew themselves up. Seventeen
soldiers, including the Ugandan deputy force commander, were killed. Four civilians also died. (Read
"Somalia's Crisis: Not Piracy, but Its People's Plight.")
"We have [gotten] our revenge for our brother Nabhan," Shabab spokesman Sheikh Ali Mohamud
Rage said afterward, according to Reuters. "We knew the infidel government and A.U. troops
planned to attack us after the holy month. This is a message to them."
A message indeed. The attack was the deadliest against the peacekeepers since their operation in
Somalia began two years ago. It follows a similar attack on Feb. 22 in which a suicide bomber posing
as a contractor blew himself up at the same AMISOM base in Mogadishu, killing 11. The Somali
government says the insurgents have also stolen at least eight U.N. vehicles in recent months. Six
remain missing. (See TIME's photo essay "Dramatic Pirate-Hostage Rescues.")
Coming so quickly on the heels of Nabhan's death, Thursday�s bombing raises the question of
whether American intervention in Somalia is undermining the Somali President's ability to woo the
moderate Islamists whose support he'll need to restore peace in Somalia. The U.S. does not seem
ready to abandon the country anytime soon. During her seven-nation tour of Africa in August, U.S.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton met with Somali President Sheik Sharif Ahmed — a symbolically
potent occasion, given that he had once opposed the U.S.-backed Ethiopian troops that invaded
Somalia in 2006 to try to defeat the Islamists. The Americans will most likely continue to launch
targeted strikes against suspected al-Qaeda militants and keep sending weapons to Ahmed's
transitional government, as the U.S. State Department confirmed it did in June. (See TIME's photo
essay "The Pirates of Somalia.")
"In retaliation, the insurgents will rain hellfire down on any representative of the international
community [in Somalia], whether it is peacekeepers or humanitarian-aid organizations," says John
Prendergast, a Horn of Africa expert and head of the Washington-based Enough! Project, which
works to end genocide. "The U.S. got their high-value target, but the price to Somalia and to those
trying to stabilize it will be very high. It is a cost-benefit analysis that defies easy assessment."
Meanwhile, the AMISOM peacekeepers will struggle on the ground, continuing to wait for the
hardware and financial support they were promised. Soon after Thursday's attack, U.N. Secretary-
General Ban Ki-moon condemned the attack "in the strongest terms," and the U.N. Security Council
did the same, reaffirming its support for AMISOM. But even if the peacekeepers sitting in Mogadishu
ever get word of that support, they probably won't think too highly of it. According to its mission
statement, AMISOM is supposed to be preparing the way for the introduction of a U.N. peacekeeping
force into the country. At the moment, AMISOM is not in position to do any such thing.
The AMISOM force is supposed to have 8,000 troops, but other African nations that pledged to send
soldiers have so far not done so. It is a telling sign that the links on the AMISOM website for
"activities" and "peace process" both lead nowhere. AMISOM officials have adopted a fatalistic tone
but insist they will remain in Somalia.
As ineffective as the AMISOM force is, however, Somalia�s weak transitional government isn�t
doing much better. The President is holed up in a villa in the capital, and the army has so far been
incapable of mounting a serious offensive against the Shabab. The best thing to be said about the
government is that it still exists.
"A lot of [Somalis] are against the Shabab, but it doesn't seem the government is taking advantage of
this by reaching out to clan elders and trying to drain the support from under their feet," Nurudin
Dirie, a Somalia analyst and onetime candidate for President of the breakaway Somali region of
Puntland, tells TIME.
"I'm expecting this government not to make things worse," he says. "I'm not under the illusion that this
government, or the one after that, or even the one after that, will bring stability to Somalia."
After a U.S. Air Strike, Somali Peacekeepers Pay
By Nick Wadhams / Nairobi Friday, Sep. 18, 2009
Civilians carry the body of a man killed after attacks in Somalia's capital, Mogadishu
Omar Faruk / Reuter
One could argue that the U.S. was playing a dangerous game when it killed a suspected top al-
Qaeda leader in a brazen daytime helicopter raid in Somalia earlier this week. While the Americans
swoop in and carry out targeted strikes such as this, the African Union peacekeeping mission to the
country (called the African Union Mission in Somalia, or AMISOM) remains stymied on the ground,
undermanned and vulnerable, its troops bearing an unenviable and almost impossible task. In a
country that has been in chaos for nearly 20 years, what peace can 5,000 Burundian and Ugandan
soldiers possibly keep?
The Shabab, the hard-line Islamic militia that controls much of the capital, Mogadishu, and southern
Somalia, promised swift revenge for the killing of Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan, who was wanted in the
2002 bombing of an Israeli-run hotel in Mombasa, Kenya. That retaliation came Thursday, Sept. 17
— and the AMISOM force was the target. Suicide bombers in two stolen U.N. trucks packed with
explosives drove into the AMISOM compound in Mogadishu and blew themselves up. Seventeen
soldiers, including the Ugandan deputy force commander, were killed. Four civilians also died. (Read
"Somalia's Crisis: Not Piracy, but Its People's Plight.")
"We have [gotten] our revenge for our brother Nabhan," Shabab spokesman Sheikh Ali Mohamud
Rage said afterward, according to Reuters. "We knew the infidel government and A.U. troops
planned to attack us after the holy month. This is a message to them."
A message indeed. The attack was the deadliest against the peacekeepers since their operation in
Somalia began two years ago. It follows a similar attack on Feb. 22 in which a suicide bomber posing
as a contractor blew himself up at the same AMISOM base in Mogadishu, killing 11. The Somali
government says the insurgents have also stolen at least eight U.N. vehicles in recent months. Six
remain missing. (See TIME's photo essay "Dramatic Pirate-Hostage Rescues.")
Coming so quickly on the heels of Nabhan's death, Thursday�s bombing raises the question of
whether American intervention in Somalia is undermining the Somali President's ability to woo the
moderate Islamists whose support he'll need to restore peace in Somalia. The U.S. does not seem
ready to abandon the country anytime soon. During her seven-nation tour of Africa in August, U.S.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton met with Somali President Sheik Sharif Ahmed — a symbolically
potent occasion, given that he had once opposed the U.S.-backed Ethiopian troops that invaded
Somalia in 2006 to try to defeat the Islamists. The Americans will most likely continue to launch
targeted strikes against suspected al-Qaeda militants and keep sending weapons to Ahmed's
transitional government, as the U.S. State Department confirmed it did in June. (See TIME's photo
essay "The Pirates of Somalia.")
"In retaliation, the insurgents will rain hellfire down on any representative of the international
community [in Somalia], whether it is peacekeepers or humanitarian-aid organizations," says John
Prendergast, a Horn of Africa expert and head of the Washington-based Enough! Project, which
works to end genocide. "The U.S. got their high-value target, but the price to Somalia and to those
trying to stabilize it will be very high. It is a cost-benefit analysis that defies easy assessment."
Meanwhile, the AMISOM peacekeepers will struggle on the ground, continuing to wait for the
hardware and financial support they were promised. Soon after Thursday's attack, U.N. Secretary-
General Ban Ki-moon condemned the attack "in the strongest terms," and the U.N. Security Council
did the same, reaffirming its support for AMISOM. But even if the peacekeepers sitting in Mogadishu
ever get word of that support, they probably won't think too highly of it. According to its mission
statement, AMISOM is supposed to be preparing the way for the introduction of a U.N. peacekeeping
force into the country. At the moment, AMISOM is not in position to do any such thing.
The AMISOM force is supposed to have 8,000 troops, but other African nations that pledged to send
soldiers have so far not done so. It is a telling sign that the links on the AMISOM website for
"activities" and "peace process" both lead nowhere. AMISOM officials have adopted a fatalistic tone
but insist they will remain in Somalia.
As ineffective as the AMISOM force is, however, Somalia�s weak transitional government isn�t
doing much better. The President is holed up in a villa in the capital, and the army has so far been
incapable of mounting a serious offensive against the Shabab. The best thing to be said about the
government is that it still exists.
"A lot of [Somalis] are against the Shabab, but it doesn't seem the government is taking advantage of
this by reaching out to clan elders and trying to drain the support from under their feet," Nurudin
Dirie, a Somalia analyst and onetime candidate for President of the breakaway Somali region of
Puntland, tells TIME.
"I'm expecting this government not to make things worse," he says. "I'm not under the illusion that this
government, or the one after that, or even the one after that, will bring stability to Somalia."
